Migration remains at the center of U.S. – Mexico relations, with new challenges around border policy and labor mobility. From your perspective, how can Mexico position itself not only as a country of origin and transit, but also as a strategic partner for the U.S. and Europe in shaping fairer migration governance?

Migration is a global phenomenon, and it should be seen as such: a process taking place everywhere in the world, and an opportunity if interpreted and addressed in the right way. Mexico is a country of migration: it is a source, a place of transit, and also a destination. With this experience, Mexico has a tradition of fostering international agreements that support orderly migration and the protection of migrants in their countries of destination.

Despite all the challenges the country currently faces, it has proven to be a fundamental partner in managing migration to the United States, which is of unparalleled magnitude worldwide. At the same time, it has also become a partner for European countries that require the incorporation of specialists in specific professional fields into their labor markets. In Germany’s case, Mexico is a partner in many federal, state, and private programs aimed at attracting skilled personnel. This very week, the President of the German Federal Council (Bundesrat) is in Mexico, and the skilled migration of Mexicans to Germany is one of the most important items on her agenda.

All of this shows that Mexico but also many other countries of this scale and with their dual role as senders and recipients of migration plays a central role in managing migration and in shaping international regimes for it. Therefore, it is a fundamental partner for both the United States and Europe. Today, migration governance may seem like an unattainable goal because national discourses have framed it as a security issue. If we begin to approach it with a constructive perspective, we will be able to have more balanced conversations about the opportunities that migration offers to destination economies (employment, tax contributions, economic growth) as well as to countries of origin (professional and personal opportunities, remittances, etc.).

You served as Press Attaché and later Chief of Staff at the Mexican Embassy in Germany. In your view, how does strategic communication shape diplomacy, particularly in building trust and influence between regions even when media and messaging are not always seen as a core policy tool?

Diplomatic tradition has long been closely linked to secrecy. But the intensity of relations between countries—not only between governments but also among economic actors and societies alongside the evolution of communication technologies, has changed the context in which diplomatic relations are conducted. In 2025, we are witnessing hybrid conflicts where the spread of messages through mass-reach platforms fuels significant cross-border disinformation biases. This underscores the importance of communication. Strategic communication is an intentional choice, and not all governments or their diplomacies make it. In my view, failing to do so is a serious mistake that reinforces the asymmetries of the status quo.

Countries that choose to employ strategic communication, including public diplomacy, are better able to make their interests visible, explain them, and generate support for their positions. It also helps to identify and nurture closeness between societies and governments. Moreover, strategic communication in diplomacy is not only outward-facing; it also matters domestically, even within the foreign service itself. That is why StratComm is essential.

In the times we live in, communication often fuels alienation and conflict. We need to use it for something better: to build trust and to foster greater understanding. That is why it must be seen as a substantive element, not a mere accessory.

In today’s age of polycrisis, what role can middle powers like Germany and Mexico play in strengthening multilateral cooperation and global governance, especially when great power rivalry is reshaping international institutions?

The rules-based multilateral international order was successful in enabling the development of middle powers. That is why they are also stakeholders in preserving it. Germany and Mexico, together with other middle powers and emerging powers, share the values of the international order, while acknowledging the differences in our histories and interests. In times of great power rivalry, our countries have the ability to stand apart and avoid the escalation dynamic. They are called upon to act responsibly amid uncertainty and to rally around them the vast majority of countries affected by the polycrisis, seeking governance mechanisms to address the challenges we face while others focus their attention and resources on systemic rivalry.

Germany and Mexico have a strong track record of cooperation and leadership in multilateralism. It is now time to build new agendas that make global governance and the international order viable. We will need to do this by taking into account the new realities of our countries and the global context. That means reformulating minimal understandings, with a strong dose of pragmatism, and without clinging to the past. The role of regional leadership will be essential in moving forward with transitional solutions that can help us navigate turbulent times, and both countries have responsibilities in their respective neighborhoods. As middle powers though Germany from the developed world and Mexico on the threshold both must reclaim their role as a hinge to connect their peers in another urgent dialogue: that between the Global North and South.

We live in interesting times. It is fortunate that platforms like Diplomacy Berlin allow us to reflect openly on these issues and connect with those who can help us think through different solutions.